Mandela is mourned while he lives in his illness, and he will be celebrated in his death, says my friend Bright Molande. I have had thoughts
about Nelson Mandela these past hours that I had to fish out this article from
my archive and post it here. It first appeared in The Nation of December 6,
2006.
Statesmen cannot be wished into existence. The world is
longing for one to unite Iraq. And, as Iraqis are finding out, that man is not
a citizen of the war torn country but a South African.
South Africa will, in the coming years, host two global
events: the 2010 World Cup and the funeral of Nelson Mandela.
Both events will attract thousands of people, thousands of
journalists. Across the earth’s 24 time zones, millions will interrupt their
waking or sleeping schedules to gather around television sets.
The World Cup is held once in four years and might come back
to South Africa in the next five decades. The funeral of Mandela will be once
and that is all. Tens of thousands will stand along roads to say farewell as he
will be driven the streets on his last journey to the resting place.
Powerful men and women of the world will be at the funeral.
They are people who cannot go to a stadium to watch football: presidents like
Hamid Karzai, George Bush and Colonel Muammar Gaddafi; brilliant minds like
journalists Richard Stengel, Time Magazine managing editor who once worked with
Mandela on his book Long Walk to Freedom, and Fareed Zakaria, former professor
of political science at Harvard University, now editor of Newsweek
International, who reports for and oversees weekly production of eight editions
of the magazine.
These people will be on reserved seats because of protocol.
But Mandela would have reserved the choicest seats for ordinary people because
it was for such that he took the road of a freedom fighter.
Thoughts of a funeral are awkward to some. But life is a
journey and it comes to an end. The world is now busy walking the journey of
Mandela which everyone wants to go on and on and on. Sadly, nature demands that
Mandela’s life, like all human beings, be over some day. At 88 [he is now 91],
he is looking forward to that day.
“It would be very egotistical of me to say how I would like
to be remembered,” he said in March 1997. “I would leave that entirely to South
Africans. I would just like a simple stone on which is written ‘Mandela’.”
Mandela talks about his death. He does not talk about his
funeral—that is up to South Africans. In fact, he spends time thinking about
the after-life as he hinted in one interview. When he dies, he says, and once
in the next world, “I will look for and join an ANC branch”.
Not that he is obsessed with party politics but the man is
committed to freedom and justice and sees the ANC as the practical tool to
fight oppression, for that is what he has been doing for most part of his life
and perhaps can’t imagine a just life; he thinks he would have some battle to
fight, always.
The British Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown,
describes Mandela as “not just the greatest statesman but the greatest man now
living”.
Brown was writing in a November 13 special edition
celebrating 60 years of Time Atlantic, years the magazine has covered—or, put
rightly, uncovered—heroes. Of the magazine’s 66 heroes, Mandela was the first
and was given two pages. Space is scarce in print media and goes with the value
of a story.
Of course, three others were given two pages: the Beatles,
Mikhail Gorbachev and Princess Diana. But Mandela’s story was the first. The
best comes first in almost all media. This, again, speaks volumes of the value
placed on this great son of Africa.
Mandela had a reason to hate white South Africans. He had
reason to call them strangers and violently chase them from South Africa.
But after 27 years of imprisonment at the hands of the
apartheid government, Mandela chose truth and reconciliation, not revenge, but
forgiveness. He had been separated from his wife, to whom he wrote lovely
letters; he missed his children. He went through the pain of being unable to
bury his mother and his first born son, Madiba Thembekile, deaths that made
Mandela to look back at his younger self, to evaluate his life.
“Her [the mother’s] difficulties, her poverty, made me
question once again whether I had taken the right path,” wrote Mandela in his
book, Long Walk to Freedom. “For a long time, my mother had not understood my
commitment to the struggle.”
In such times, some people put up a brave face as if they
have survived shame and embarrassment, but it is the soul that is bruised; the
heart, not the body.
This was the case with Mandela. Questions without answers can
be more painful than physical torture. Mandela wondered, without any answer,
why his family was put in such an awkward situation. For long he had advised
people not to worry about things they could not control. “I was unable to take
my own advice,” he says. “I had many sleepless nights.”
The separation from his family resulting from a court case
using discriminatory laws was enough to warrant a revenge after his release on
Sunday, February 11, 1990.
Yet there were more challenges after his release from prison.
He realised he had gained his freedom but he was yet to fight for the freedom
of his people. Once the Inkatha members secretly raided the Vaal township of
Boipatong and killed 46 people. No arrests were made. It was as if some people
had no state protection.
“Mandela, give us guns,” said placards carried by his
supporters at one rally. “Victory through battle, not talk.”
He had been tested for too long to carry on the struggle
peacefully. But he said “peace”.
“It was because of the greatness of Mandela—and, especially,
his refusal to hate or become embittered—that a multiracial South Africa was
born, not in further bloodshed and catastrophe, but in peace and democracy,”
says Brown.
To understand the importance of Mandela, consider Iraq, that
helpless, failed state where sectarian violence has more control than the
government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Hundreds are dying everyday. No
one is safe, not even the Prime Minister.
Aparism Ghosh is Time senior correspondent who has been
reporting from Baghdad since the fall of Saddam Hussein. Ghosh knows life in
the city. He has the experience of flying into Baghdad, too.
“I know what lies ahead,” he says of flights from Amman in
Jordan to Baghdad.
It is an hour’s uneventful flying, followed by the world’s
scariest landing—“a steep, corkscrewing plunge into what used to be Saddam
Hussein International Airport”.
It is scariest because the pilot has to avoid being shot down
by Iraqi insurgents. The plane stays at 30,000 feet until it is directly over
Baghdad airport, then take a spiralling dive, straightening up yards from the
runway.
“If you are looking out the window, it can feel as if the
plane is in a free fall from which it can’t possibly pull out,” says Ghosh. “I
have learned from experience to ask for an aisle seat.”
That is not all. The journey from the airport into Baghdad is
a 14-kilometre drive on what is called the Highway of Death.
The Shiites and Sunnis are engaged in sectarian violence. In
fact, sectarian violence is a political term. Iraq is in a civil war. Out-going
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan called the violence “worse than a
civil war” in a BBC interview on Monday.
Sunni leader Saleh al-Mutlak has repeatedly told the press
that Iraq’s political landscape has no giants.
“Not only that,” he said earlier this year, “but the
political system we have created makes it impossible for such a figure to
emerge.”
Politicians in Iraq have discovered that the easiest way to
win votes is to appeal to sectarian chauvinism; they have little incentive to
take the higher, more difficult road of liberal democracy which cherishes
reason, liberty and freedom.
In July this year, al-Mutlak said Iraq could be united and
the killings could come to an end. The country, he said, needed “an Iraqi
Mandela”.
This is the gigantic size of Mandela. Even those in Iraq know
the sectarian violence—or civil war, to be precise—can be ended by a leader of
Mandela’s calibre; not George W Bush or Tony Blair, the so-called champions of
democracy; not the Pope; but Nelson Mandela from South Africa, a two-hour
flight from Blantyre in Malawi.
Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, and spent early childhood
the traditional, old way in Mvezo, a tiny village on the banks of the Mbashe
River in Umtata.
“From an early age, I spent most of my free time in the veld
playing and fighting with the other boys of the village,” he writes in his
autobiography.
Childhood lessons have a tendency to remain in people for
life. They are lessons guarded by society which, sadly, are not cherished by
the modern society of Malawi. Now socialisation or transmission of values is,
in some cases, more from the electronic media (television, radio and internet)
and housemaids than the family.
Children ought to play with toys, especially those them make
by themselves. Children ought to play with clay to derive lessons from the
natural world: let them run in the rain until it’s over (this does not cause
malaria, the disease is caused by plasmodium transmitted by the female
anopheles mosquito); let them play with clay and realise their skills.
In such engagement with nature, Mandela found virtues that
make him. The statesmanship in Mandela can be traced back to about five years
of age when he shared food and blanket with others.
He had become a herd-boy, looking after sheep and calves in
the fields where he learned hunting. One day, his turn came to ride a donkey
and it bolted into a bush of thorns. He was embarrassed.
“I learned that to humiliate another person is to make him
suffer an unnecessarily cruel fate. Even as a boy, I defeated my opponents
without dishonouring them,” he says.
You can see more from a mountain and from the perspective of
years, says a brilliant journalist Jon Meacham. Mandela has climbed mountains
and lived a long life.
He joined politics while studying in Johannesburg by joining
the African National Congress in 1942. He has climbed mountains of books and
time. He has been a life transformed from violence to peace. Yet he believes
that when all channels of peaceful protest fail, violence is a practical
option. This is what he did by leading Umkhonto we Sizwe, a military arm of the
ANC.
Mandela has walked from the violent extreme of the world, balancing
up on the way, and reached the peaceful end of life. He has shown that the end
is more important than the beginning. Former president Bakili Muluzi missed
that lesson. Fredrick Chiluba of Zambia missed the crucial aspect as well.
The years Mandela was locked up in his cell during daylight
hours, deprived him of music and sunshine. He was denied things from outside.
The familiar things we take for granted are what we miss most. But the
character in him remained intact. The discipline is still in him.
He wakes up by 4: 30 am even if he went to bed late. He makes
his bed—he still believes this is his duty, even when he was president. He
exercises for one hour from 5 am and takes breakfast at 6: 30 am as he reads
the days’ newspapers.
This daily timetable is changing now. Age is catching up and
everything is becoming slower.
Yet his voice, weak and faint, is more important than ever.
He prefers “we” to “I”. Thus he attributes all the honour given him to South
Africans, saying that a man seen by all is standing on his people’s shoulders.
Mandela is now reflecting on his life and enjoying his
childhood best moments—typical of old age. His greatest pleasure is watching
the sun set with the music of Handel or Tchaikovsky playing.
He should really love that for he is the sun of the world,
light for hidden, dark corners of poverty, disease, oppression and
dictatorship.
It is now the turn of the world to enjoy watching the setting
of Mandela’s life which is at the end of the horizon. He will go a happy man after
leading the first South African multiracial government for five years, leaving
the presidency at his peak—a lesson many have failed to learn.
Mandela worked with his immediate predecessor Fredrick de
Klerk who was invited into a government of national unity. Further, Mandela has
worked with his immediate successor President Thabo Mbeki.
The three formed a team that went to Fifa headquarters in
Zurich, Switzerland, to make South Africa’s case to host the 2010 World Cup.
South Africa is now gearing for the World Cup. The OR Tambo
International Airport is being expanded and renovated. .
The fever is growing stronger every day. The economy benefits
are visible. But the world does not know what will come first: the World Cup or
the funeral of Mandela.